2009年9月22日火曜日

Math 122 2nd Exam (AY09-10, 1st Sem)


Top 5 students

WFV JOANNA JANE C. TAN 90 pts
THV JOHN GABRIEL P. PELIAS 87 pts
THV PAUL ANGELO G. DOLORES 85 pts
WFV AUDREY M. TANGONAN 85 pts
THV REMY ROSE C. CAUDILLA 78 pts

2009年9月7日月曜日

“My Political Philosophy” (Chap5) Yukio Hatoyama Monthly journal “Voice” September Issue Aug 10th, 2009

Chap5 Overcoming Nationalism through an East Asian Community

Another national goal that emerges from the concept of fraternity is the creation of an East Asian community. Off course, Japan-US Security Pact will continue to be the cornerstone of Japanese diplomatic policy. Unquestionably, the Japan-US relationship is an important pillar of our diplomacy. However, at the same time, we must not forget our identity as a nation located in Asia. I believe that the East Asian region, which is showing increasing vitality in its economic growth and even closer mutual ties, must be recognized as Japan's basic sphere of being. Therefore we must continue to make efforts to build frameworks for stable economic co-operation and national security across the region.

The recent financial crisis has suggested to many people that the era of American unilateralism may come to an end. It has also made people harbor doubts about the permanence of the dollar as the key global currency. I also feel that as a result of the failure of the Iraq war and the financial crisis, the era of the US-led globalism is coming to an end and that we are moving away from a unipolar world led by the US towards an era of multipolarity. However, at present, there is no one country ready to replace the United States as the world's most dominant country. Neither is there a currency ready to replace the dollar as the world's key currency. Therefore, even if we shift from unipolar to multipolar world, our idea of what to expect is at best vague, and we feel anxiety because the new forms to be taken by global politics and economics remain unclear. I think this describes the essence of the crisis we are now facing.

Although the influence of the US is declining, the US will remain the world's leading military and economic power for the next two to three decades. Current developments show clearly that China, which has by far the world’s largest population, will become one of the world's leading economic nations, while also continuing to expand its military power. The size of China's economy will surpass that of Japan in the not too distant future. How should Japan maintain its political and economic independence and protect its national interest when caught between the United States, which is fighting to retain its position as the world's dominant power, and China which is seeking ways to become one? The future international environment surrounding Japan does not seem to be easy. This is a question of concern not only to Japan but also to the small and medium-sized nations in Asia. They want the military power of the US to function effectively for the stability of the region but want to restrain US political and economic excesses. They also want to reduce the militarily threat posed by our neighbor China while ensuring that China's expanding economy develops in an orderly fashion. I believe these are the instinctive demands of the various nations in the region. This is also a major factor accelerating regional integration.

Today, as the supranational political and economic philosophies of Marxism and globalism have, for better or for worse stagnated, nationalism is once again starting to have a major influence on policy-making decisions in various countries. As symbolized by the anti-Japanese riots that occurred in China a few years ago, the spread of the Internet has accelerated the integration of nationalism and populism and the emergence of uncontrollable political turbulence is a very real risk. As we maintain an awareness of this environment and seek to build new structures for international cooperation, we must overcome excessive nationalism in each nation and go down the path towards the rule-building for economic co-operation and national security. Unlike Europe, the countries of this region differ in their population size, development stage and political systems, and therefore economic integration cannot be achieved over the short term. However, I believe that we should aspire to the move towards regional currency integration as a natural extension of the path of the rapid economic growth begun by Japan, followed by South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then achieved by the ASEAN nations and China. We must therefore spare no effort to build the permanent security frameworks essential to underpinning currency integration.

ASEAN, Japan, China (including Hong Kong), South Korea and Taiwan now account for one quarter of the world's gross domestic product. The economic power of the East Asian region and the mutually independent relationships within the region have grown wider and deeper, which is unprecedented. As such, the underlying structures required for the formation of a regional economic bloc are already in place. On the other hand, due to the historical and cultural conflicts existing between the countries of this region, in addition to their conflicting national security interests, we must recognize that there are numerous difficult political issues. The problems of increased militarization and territorial disputes, which stand in the way of regional integration, cannot be resolved by bilateral negotiations between, for example, Japan and South Korea or Japan and China. The more these problems are discussed bilaterally, the greater the risk that citizen's emotions in each country will become inflamed and nationalism will be intensified. Therefore, somewhat paradoxically, I would suggest that the issues which stand in the way of regional integration can only really be resolved through the process of moving towards greater regional integration. For example, the experience of the EU shows us how regional integration can defuse territorial disputes.

When writing a draft proposal for a new Japanese constitution in 2005, I put, in the preamble, the following words on the subject of Japan's national goals for the next half century: We, recognizing the importance of human dignity, seek to enjoy, together with the peoples of the world, the benefits of peace, freedom and democracy, and commit ourselves to work continually and unceasingly towards the goal of establishing a system of permanent and universal economic and social cooperation and a system of collective national security in the international community, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. I believe that not only is this the path we should follow towards realizing the principles of pacifism and multilateral cooperation advocated by the Japanese Constitution, I also believe this is the appropriate path for protecting Japan's political and economic independence and pursuing our national interest from our position between two of the world’s great powers, the United States and China. Moreover, this path would represent a contemporary embodiment of the "fraternal revolution" advocated by Count Coudenhove-Kalergi.

Based on this awareness of our intended direction, it becomes clear that, for example, our response to the recent global financial crisis should not be simply to provide the kind of limited support measures previously employed by the IMF and the World Bank. Rather, we should be working towards a possible idea of the future common Asian currency. Establishing a common Asian currency will likely take more than 10 years. For such a single currency to bring about political integration will surely take longer still. Due to the seriousness of the ongoing global economic crisis, some people may wonder why I am taking the time to discuss this seemingly extraneous topic. However, I believe that the more chaotic, unclear and uncertain the problems we face, the higher and greater are the goals to which politicians should lead the people.

We are currently standing at a turning point in global history, and therefore our resolve and vision are being tested, not only in terms of our ability to formulate policies to stimulate the domestic economy, but also in terms of how we try to build a new global political and economic order. I would like to conclude by quoting the words of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, the father of the EU, written 85 years ago, when he published Pan-Europa.

"All great historical ideas started as a utopian dream and ended with reality".
"Whether a particular idea remains as a utopian dream or it can become reality depends on the number of people who believe in the ideal and their ability to act upon it."


This text is a translation of an article published in Japanese in the September edition of the magazine Voice.

“My Political Philosophy” (Chap4) Yukio Hatoyama Monthly journal “Voice” September Issue Aug 10th, 2009

Chap4 Empowering Local Authorities within the Nation State

When I made a speech announcing my candidacy for President of the DPJ, I stated, "My first political priority" is "reform to move away from a nation state based on centralized power structures and create a nation based on devolved regional power." A similar view was incorporated into the inaugural declaration when we formed the former DPJ 13 years ago. Back then, our aim was to achieve a nation based on regional devolution and empowered local authorities. We intended to achieve this by limiting the role of the national executive and legislature and promoting efficient local administrations vested with significant authority. Furthermore, based on this new system of government, we aimed to establish wide ranging welfare systems based on citizen participation and mutual assistance in the local community while also establishing fiscal, medical and pension systems which do not force debts onto future generations.

Count Coudenhove-Kalergi's "The Fraternal Revolution" (Chapter XII of The Totalitarian State against the Man) contains the following passage: The political requirement of brotherhood is federalism, the natural and organic construction of the state out of its individuals. The path from men to the universe leads through concentric circles: men build families, families communes, communes cantons, cantons states, states continents, continents the planets, the planets the solar system, solar system the universe. In today's language, what Count Coudenhove-Kalergi described is the principle of ‘subsidiarity’, a modern political approach that has its roots in fraternity.

The truth is that in today's age we cannot avoid economic globalization. However, in the European Union, where economic integration is strong, there is also a noticeable trend of localization. Examples of this included the federalization of Belgium and the separation and independence of the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Within a globalized economic environment, how can we preserve the autonomy of countries and regions, which serve as foundations of tradition and culture? This is an issue of importance not only for the European Union but also for Japan as well.

In response to the conflicting demands of globalism and localization, the European Union has advocated the principle of subsidiarity in the Maastricht Treaty and The European Charter of Local Self-Government. The principle of subsidiarity is not simply a rule that declares that local authorities should always be prioritized, rather it is a principle that can also be invoked to define the relationship between nation states and supranational institutions. We can interpret the principle of subsidiarity from this perspective as follows: Matters that can be dealt with by the individual should be resolved by the individual. Matters that cannot be resolved by the individual should be resolved with the help of the family. Matters that can not be resolved by the family should be resolved with the help of the local community and NGOs. It is only when matters cannot be resolved at this level that the authorities should become involved. Then of course, matters that can be dealt with by the local government should be resolved by the local government. Matters that cannot be resolved by the local government should be resolved by the next intermediate level of government. Matters that the next level of government cannot handle, for example diplomacy, defense and decisions on macroeconomic policy, should be dealt with by the central government. Finally, even some elements of national sovereignty, such as the issue of currency, should be transferred to supranational institutions like the EU.

The principle of subsidiarity is therefore a policy for devolution which places emphasis on the lowest level of local government. As we search for ways to modernize the concept of fraternity, we find ourselves naturally arriving at the idea of a nation based on regional devolution built upon the principle of subsidiarity. When discussing reform of Japan's local authority system, including the possibility of introducing a system of around 10 or so regional blocs to replace Japan's 47 prefectures, we must not forget to ask the following questions: What is the appropriate size for local authorities (which are embodiments of tradition and culture)? What is the appropriate size of local authorities in terms of their functional efficacy for local residents? During a speech I made at the time of the DPJ Presidential Election, I made the following comments: "I propose limiting the role of central government to diplomacy, defense, fiscal policy, financial policy, resource, energy and environmental policy. I propose transferring to the lowest level of local government the authority, taxation rights and personnel required to provide services closely related to people's livelihoods. I propose creating a framework that will allow local authorities to bear responsibility for making decisions and have the means to implement them. I propose abolishing the current system of central government subsidies (which can only be used for a particular stated purpose) and instead providing a single payment which the local authorities can use at their own discretion. In other words, I will break down the de facto master-servant relationship which exists between the central government and local authorities and replace it with an equal relationship based on shared responsibilities. This reform will improve the overall efficiency of the whole country and facilitate finely-tuned administrative services that take into account local needs and the perspectives of local citizens." The only way for regions to achieve autonomy, self responsibility and the competence to make their own decisions is to transfer a wide range of resources and significant power to the local authorities which are in closest contact with citizens, an approach which also clarifies the relationship between citizens’ burdens and the services they receive. This approach will facilitate the invigoration of local economic activities. It is also a path towards the construction a more distinctive, appealing and beautiful Japan. The establishment of a nation based on empowered local authorities represents the embodiment of a modern politics of fraternity and is highly appropriate as a political goal for our times.

“My Political Philosophy” (Chap3) Yukio Hatoyama Monthly journal “Voice” September Issue Aug 10th, 2009

Chap3 Restoring the Weakened Sphere of Public Service

In our present times, fraternity can be described as a principle that aims to adjust to the excesses of the current globalized brand of capitalism and make adjustments to accommodate the local economic practices that have been fostered through our traditions. In other words, it is a means of building an economic society based on coexistence by switching away from the policies of market fundamentalism and towards policies that protect the livelihoods and safety of the people.

It goes without saying that the recent worldwide economic crisis was brought about by the collapse of market fundamentalism and financial capitalism that the United States has advocated since the end of the Cold War. This US-led market fundamentalism and financial capitalism went by many names including the "global economy", "globalization" and "globalism". This way of thinking was based on the principle that American-style free-market economics represents a universal and ideal economic order and that all countries should modify the traditions and regulations governing their own economy in order to reform the structure of their economic society in line with global standards (or rather American standards). In Japan, opinion was divided on how far the trend towards globalization should be taken on board. Some people advocated the active embrace of globalism and supported leaving everything up to the dictates of the market. Others favored a more reticent approach, believing that effort should be made instead to expand the social safety net and protect our traditional economic activities. Since the administration of Prime Minister Koizumi, the LDP has stressed the former while we in the DPJ have tended towards the latter position.

The economic order or local economic activities in any country are built up over long years and reflect the influence of each country's traditions, habits and national lifestyles. Therefore, the economic activities of individual countries are very diverse due to many factors including the differences of history, tradition, habits, economic scale and stage of development. However, globalism progressed without any regard for various non-economic values, nor of environmental issues or problems of resource restriction. The economic activities of citizens in small countries were severely damaged, and in some countries globalism has even destroyed traditional industries. Capital and means of production can now be transferred easily across international borders. However, people cannot move so easily. In terms of market theory, people are simply personnel expenses, but in the real world people support the fabric of the local community and are the physical embodiment of its lifestyle, traditions and culture. An individual gains respect as a person by acquiring a job and a role within the local community and being able to maintain their family's livelihood.

If we look back on the changes in Japanese society that have occurred since the end of the Cold War, I believe it is no exaggeration to say that the global economy has damaged traditional economic activities and market fundamentalism has destroyed local communities. For example, the decision to privatize Japan's post office placed far too little weight on the institution’s long history and the traditional role that its staff held in the local community. It also ignored the non-economic benefits of the Post Office and its value in the community. The logic of the market was used to justify taking such a drastic step.

Under the principle of fraternity, we will not implement policies that leave economic activities in areas relating to human lives and safety, such as agriculture, the environment and medicine, at the mercy of the tides of globalism. Rather, we need to strengthen rules governing the safety of human lives and stability of people's livelihoods. Our responsibility as politicians is to refocus our attention on those non-economic values that have been thrown aside by the march of globalism. We must work on policies that regenerate the ties that bring people together, that take greater account of nature and the environment, that rebuild welfare and medical systems, that provide better education and child rearing support and that address wealth disparities. This is required in order to create an environment in which each individual citizen is able to pursue happiness.

Over recent years, Japan's traditional public services have been eroded. The ties that bring people together have become weaker and the spirit of public service has also dimmed. In today's economic society, economic activities can be divided into four sectors: governmental, corporate, non-profit and household. While the first, second and fourth categories are self-explanatory, by the third category I mean the types of mutual assistance which were once provided by neighborhood associations and which are now also provided through the activities of NPOs. As economic society becomes more advanced and complicated, the scope of services that cannot be provided by the authorities, corporations and family members grows increasingly wide. That is why the more industrialized a country becomes the greater the social role played by NPOs and other non-profit organizations. This is the foundation of ‘coexistence’. These activities are not recorded in the gross domestic product, but when working to build a society that has truly high standards of living, the scope and depth of such public services, as provided through non-profit activities, citizen's groups and other social activities, are of great importance. Politics based on ‘fraternity’ would restore strength to Japan's depleted non-profit (public service) sector. It would expand the non-profit sector into new areas and provide assistance for the people who support these activities. In this way, we aim to build a society of coexistence in which people can rediscover the ties that bring them together, help each other, and find meaning and fulfillment in performing a useful social role.

It is of course true that Japan is currently facing a fiscal crisis. However, ‘fraternal politics’ aims cautiously yet steadily for the path that will achieve both the restructuring of government finances and the rebuilding of our welfare systems. We reject the Ministry of Finance-led theory of fiscal reconstruction that relies on the imposition of uniform restrictions on, or the abolishment of, social welfare payments and which seeks to take shortcuts by raising consumption tax. Japan's current fiscal crisis is the result of long years of mismanagement by the Liberal Democratic Party. More specifically, it is a reflection of the crisis affecting Japan's economic society which stems from the bureaucrat-led system of centralized government and the indiscriminate spending facilitated by that system, from the social safety net collapse and greater inequality of wealth that results from an uncritical faith in globalism and finally, from the public loss of faith in politics following unhealthy collusion between government, civil service and industry. Therefore, I believe that it will be impossible to overcome Japan's fiscal crisis without devolving power to local authorities, implementing thorough administrative reform and restoring public trust in the sustainability of social security systems, particularly pensions. In other words, resolving our fiscal problems is impossible without comprehensively rebuilding Japan's political systems.

2009年9月6日日曜日

“My Political Philosophy” (Chap2) Yukio Hatoyama Monthly journal “Voice” September Issue Aug 10th, 2009

Chap2 The End of LDP One-Party Rule and the Announcement of the Democratic Party of Japan

In the Post-War Period, the LDP confronted socialist forces inside and outside Japan and dedicated itself to Japan's reconstruction and the achievement of high economic growth. These were noteworthy achievements which deserve their place in history. However, even after the end of the Cold War, the LDP fell into the trap of "the politics of inertia", and continued to act as if economic growth in itself was Japan's national goal. The party continually failed to adapt to the changing contemporary environment and shift towards policies designed to qualitatively improve people's lives. At the same time, unhealthy ties between politicians, bureaucrats and corporations continually led to political corruption, a long-standing illness of the LDP. When the Cold War came to an end, I strongly felt that the historical role the LDP had played in supporting Japan's rapid economic growth had come to an end, and that the time had come for a new seat of political responsibility.

Therefore, I left the LDP, which had been founded by my grandfather, and after participating in the establishment of the New Party Sakigake, I eventually became the founding leader of the Democratic Party of Japan. The (former) DPJ was founded on September 11, 1996. The following phrases were included in the statement released to mark the founding of the party. "From today onwards, we wish to place the spirit of fraternity at the heart of our society. Freedom can often result in an unrestrained environment where the strong prey upon the weak. Equality can easily result in a malevolent form of equality where all differences are criticized. Fraternity is the power that can prevent such extremes of freedom and equality yet over the past 100 or so years the power of fraternity has been marginalized. Modern nations up until the 20th century rushed to mobilized their people and in doing so tended to assess their worth as a single mass [rather than as individuals]. …… We believe that each individual human being has a boundless, diverse individuality and that each human life is irreplaceable. That is why we believe in the principle of ‘self independence’ through which each individual has the right to decide upon their own destiny and the obligation to take responsibility for the results of their choices. At the same time, we also stress the importance of the principle of ‘coexistence with others’ under which people respect each other's mutual independence and differences while also working to understand each other and seek common ground for cooperative action. We believe that we must steadfastly adhere to these principles of independence and coexistence not only in the context of personal relationships within Japanese society but also in the context of the relationships between Japan and other nations and the relationship between humankind and the environment."

Author Saneatsu Mushanokoji wrote the famous words "I am me, you are you, yet we are good friends". I think these words truly express the spirit of fraternity. Just as the ideals of freedom and equality evolve with the contemporary environment, in terms of both their expression and their content, the idea of ‘fraternity’, which calls on us to respect individuals, also evolves with the times. When I saw the collapse of the totalitarian regimes that both Coudenhove-Kalergi and my grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama had opposed, I redefined my understanding of fraternity as ‘the principle of independence and coexistence’".

13 years have now passed since we formed of the former Democratic Party of Japan. During the time since then, post-cold war Japan has been continually buffeted by the winds of market fundamentalism in a US-led movement which is more usually called globalization. Freedom is supposed to be the highest of all values but in the fundamentalist pursuit of capitalism, which can be described as ‘freedom formalized in economic terms’, has resulted in people being treated not as an end but as a means. Consequently human dignity has been lost. The recent financial crisis and its aftermath have once again forced us to take note of this reality. How can we put an end to unrestrained market fundamentalism and financial capitalism that are void of morals or moderation in order to protect the finances and livelihoods of our citizens? That is the issue we are now facing. In these times, I realized that we must once again remember the role for fraternity identified by Coudenhove-Kalergi as a force for the moderating the danger inherent within freedom. I came to a decision that we must once again raise the banner of fraternity. On May 16, 2009, in the run-up to the DPJ leadership election, I made the following statement: "I will take the lead in coming together with our friends and colleagues to overcome this difficult situation and ensure that we achieve a change of government in order to bring about a fraternal society based on coexistence." What does fraternity mean to me? It is the compass that determines our political direction, a yardstick for deciding our policies. I believe it is also the spirit that supports our attempts to achieve ‘an era of independence and coexistence’.

“My Political Philosophy” (Chap1) Yukio Hatoyama Monthly journal “Voice” September Issue Aug 10th, 2009

Chap1 The Banner of Party Politician Ichiro Hatoyama

Among Japanese people today, "ai" is a particularly popular word which is usually translated as ‘love’. Therefore, when I speak of "yuai", which is written with the characters for ‘friendship’ and ‘love’, many people seem to picture a concept that is soft and weak. However, when I speak of yuai, I am referring to a concept that is actually rather different. What I am referring to is fraternity, as in liberté, égalité, fraternité, the slogan of the French Revolution. When my grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama translated one of the works of Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi into Japanese, he rendered the word fraternity as "yuai" rather than the existing translation of "hakuai". Therefore, when I refer to yuai, I am not referring to something tender but rather to a strong, combative concept that was a banner of revolution. 85 years ago, in 1923, Count Coudenhove-Kalergi published his work Pan-Europa, starting off the Pan-Europa Movement which eventually led to the formation of the European Union. Count Coudenhove-Kalergi was the son of an Austrian noble, who was posted to Japan as his country's minister, and Mitsuko Aoyama, the daughter of an antiques dealer from Azabu, Tokyo. One of the count’s middle names was the Japanese name Eijiro.

In 1935, Count Coudenhove-Kalergi published The Totalitarian State against Man. The work includes severe criticisms of Soviet communism and Nazism as well as the reflections on the self-indulgence of capitalism in leaving such ideologies to flourish. Coudenhove-Kalergi believed that freedom forms the foundation of human dignity and that it is therefore unsurpassed in value. In order to guarantee freedom, he advocated a system of private ownership. However, he was despondent at how the severe social inequalities produced by capitalism had helped give rise to communism by creating an environment in which people aspired to equality, and also at how this had resulted in the emergence of national socialism as an alternative to both capitalism and communism. "Freedom without fraternity leads to anarchy. Equality without fraternity leads to tyranny"(Translation of the quote in Japanese). Coudenhove-Kalergi discussed how both totalitarianism, which tried to achieve equality at all costs, and capitalism, which had fallen into self-indulgence, resulted in disregard for human dignity and as such resulted in the treatment of human beings as a means instead of an end. Although freedom and a quality are important for human beings, if they are followed to fundamentalist extremes, they can both result in immeasurable horrors. Therefore, Coudenhove-Kalergi recognized the necessity of a concept that could achieve a balance and maintain respect for humanity. That is what he sought in the idea of fraternity.
"Man is an end and not a means. The state is a means and not an end". These are the first lines of The Totalitarian State against Man. At the time Coudenhove-Kalergi was putting ideas together for this publication, two different forms of totalitarianism were prominent in Europe, and his home country of Austria was being threatened with annexation by Hitler's Germany. Coudenhove-Kalergi traveled all around Europe advocating the cause of Pan-Europeanism and criticizing Hitler and Stalin. However, his efforts were in vain. Austria fell to the Nazis and Coudenhove-Kalergi was forced to flee in disappointed exile to the United States. The movie Casablanca is said to be based on his flight. When Coudenhove-Kalergi talks of a "fraternal revolution", he is referring to the combative philosophy that supported the fierce fight against both the left-wing and right-wing totalitarianism of that age. After the war, Ichiro Hatoyama, who was exiled from public office just as he was on the point of becoming Prime Minister, read the works of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi as he was living his enforced life of leisure. He was so struck by The Totalitarian State against Man that he took it upon himself to translate it into Japanese. His translation was published under the title Jiyu to Jinsei (Freedom and Life).

For Ichiro, who was an ardent critic of both communism and military led planned economies, The Totalitarian State against Man seemed to provide the most appropriate theoretical system for fighting back against the popularity of Marxism that began to swell in post-war Japan (the Socialist party, Communist party and labor movements) and for building a healthy parliamentary democracy. While fighting against the growing influence of the socialist and communist parties, Ichiro Hatoyama used word yuai (fraternity) as a banner in trying to bring down the bureaucrat-led government of Shigeru Yoshida and replace it with his own administration of party politicians. This was expressed succinctly by Hatoyama in the Yuai Seinen Doshikai Kouryo (Young People’s Fraternal Association Mission Statement), which Ichiro Hatoyama wrote in 1953. "Under the banner of liberalism, we will devote ourselves to a Fraternal Revolution, avoid extreme left wing and right wing ideologies, and work steadfastly to achieve a healthy and vibrant democratic society and build a free and independent cultural nation."

Ichiro Hatoyama's concept of fraternity continued to have influence as an undercurrent within Japan's post-war conservative political parties. Following the revision of the Japan-US security treaty in 1960, the Liberal Democratic Party changed direction significantly and began to prioritize policies of management-labor conciliation. These policies formed the foundation for Japan's period of rapid economic growth and are best symbolized by the LDP Basic Charter, a 1965 document which was written to serve as a kind of mission statement. The first chapter of this charter, which is entitled "Human Dignity", states, " human lives are precious, and are an end in and of themselves. The lives of human beings must never become a means". A similar phrase can be found in the LDP Labor Charter, a document which called for reconciliation with the labor movement. These phrases are clearly borrowed from the work of Coudenhove-Kalergi, and were very likely influenced by Ichiro Hatoyama's thinking on the subject of fraternity. These two charters contributed to the establishment of the Hatoyama and Ishibashi cabinets, and were both drafted by Hirohide Ishida, a politician who served as Labor minister in the Ikeda Cabinet and was responsible for setting Japan on a course towards conciliatory labor-management policies.

鳩山論文読み比べ-日本語原文(ヴォイス+)と英語要約(ニューヨーク・タイムス)とはそんなに違うのか-

ニューヨーク・タイムスに掲載された英文の要約を再び和訳してみると以下のようになります。これを、ヴォイス+9月号に掲載された日本語の原文と比較すると面白いでしょう。

太字は原文が英文に要約された際に加わったと思われる部分

 冷戦後の日本は、アメリカ発のグローバリズムという名の市場原理主義に翻弄されつづけた。資本主義が原理的に追求されていくとき、人間は目的ではなく手段におとしめられ、その尊厳を失う。

 道義と節度を喪失した金融資本主義、市場至上主義にいかにして歯止めをかけ、国民経済と国民生活を守っていくか。それがいまわれわれに突き付けられている課題である。

 この時にあたって、私たちは、「友愛」の概念に立ち返らなければならない。 それはフランスのスローガン「自由・平等・博愛」の「博愛=フラタナティ(fraternite)」のことを指す。それは自由の本質に内在する危険を抑止する役割を担うものとして位置づけられる。

 私の言う「友愛」は、グローバル化する現代資本主義の行き過ぎを正し、伝統のなかで培われてきた国民経済との調整をめざす理念といえよう。

 今回の世界経済危機は、米国的な自由市場経済が、普遍的で理想的な経済秩序であり、諸国はそれぞれの国民経済の伝統や規制を改め、経済社会の構造をグローバルスタンダード(じつはアメリカンスタンダード)に合わせて改革していくべきだという思潮、が原因で起きた。

 日本の国内でも、このグローバリズムの流れをどのように受け入れていくか、これを積極的に受け入れ、すべてを市場に委ねる行き方を良しとする人たちと、これに消極的に対応し、社会的な安全網(セーフティネット)の充実や国民経済的な伝統を守ろうという人たちに分かれた。小泉政権以来の自民党は前者であり、私たち民主党はどちらかというと後者の立場だった。

 各国の経済秩序(国民経済)は年月をかけて出来上がってきたもので、その国の伝統、慣習、国民生活の実態を反映したものだ。 しかしグローバリズムは、そうした経済外的諸価値や環境問題や資源制約などをいっさい無視して進行した。

 冷戦後の今日までの日本社会の変貌を顧みると、グローバルエコノミーが国民経済を破壊し、市場至上主義が社会を破壊してきた過程といっても過言ではないだろう。

 市場の論理では「人」というものは「人件費」でしかないが、実際の世の中では、その「人」が地域共同体を支え、生活や伝統や文化を体現している。人間の尊厳は、そうした共同体のなかで、仕事や役割を得て家庭を営んでいくなかで保持される。

 農業や環境や医療など、われわれの生命と安全にかかわる分野の経済活動を、無造作にグローバリズムの奔流のなかに投げ出すような政策は、「友愛」の理念からは許されるところではない。

 グローバリズムが席巻するなかで切り捨てられてきた経済外的な諸価値に目を向け、人と人との絆の再生、自然や環境への配慮、福祉や医療制度の再構築、教育や子どもを育てる環境の充実、格差の是正などに取り組むことが、これからの政治の責任であろう。

 「友愛」が導くもう一つの国家目標は「東アジア共同体」の創造であろう。もちろん、日米安保体制は、今後も日本外交の基軸でありつづける。

 しかしながら、同時にわれわれは、アジアに位置する国家としてのアイデンティティを忘れてはならないだろう。経済成長の活力に溢れ、ますます緊密に結びつきつつある東アジア地域を、わが国が生きていく基本的な生活空間と捉えて、この地域に安定した経済協力と安全保障の枠組みを創る努力を続けなくてはならない。

 今回のアメリカの金融危機は、多くの人に、アメリカ一極時代の終焉を予感させ、またドル基軸通貨体制の永続性への懸念を抱かせずにはおかなかった。

 私も、イラク戦争の失敗と金融危機によってアメリカ主導のグローバリズムの時代は終焉し、世界はアメリカ一極支配の時代から多極化の時代に向かうだろうと感じている。 しかし、いまのところアメリカに代わる覇権国家は見当たらないし、ドルに代わる基軸通貨も見当たらない。アメリカは影響力を低下させていくが、今後2、30年は、その軍事的経済的な実力は世界の第一人者のままだろう。

 今日までのその発展から見て明らかに、圧倒的な人口規模を有する中国が、軍事力を拡大しつつ、経済超大国化していくことも不可避の趨勢だ。日本が経済規模で中国に凌駕される日はそう遠くはない。

 覇権国家でありつづけようと奮闘するアメリカと、覇権国家たらんと企図する中国の狭間で、日本は、いかにして政治的経済的自立を維持し、国益を守っていくのか。

 これは、日本のみならず、アジアの中小規模国家が同様に思い悩んでいるところでもある。この地域の安定のためにアメリカの軍事力を有効に機能させたいが、その政治的経済的放恣はなるべく抑制したい、身近な中国の軍事的脅威を減少させながら、その巨大化する経済活動の秩序化を図りたい。 それは地域的統合を加速させる大きな要因でもある。

 マルクス主義とグローバリズムという、良くも悪くも、超国家的な政治経済理念が頓挫したいま、再びナショナリズムが諸国家の政策決定を大きく左右する時代となった。

 そうした時代認識に立つとき、われわれは、新たな国際協力の枠組みの構築をめざすなかで、各国の過剰なナショナリズムを克服し、経済協力と安全保障のルールを創り上げていく道を進むべきであろう。

 ヨーロッパと異なり、人口規模も発展段階も政治体制も異なるこの地域に、経済的な統合を実現することは、一朝一夕にできることではない。 しかし、日本が先行し、韓国、台湾、香港が続き、ASEANと中国が果たした高度経済成長の延長線上には、やはり地域的な通貨統合、「アジア共通通貨」の実現を目標としておくべきであり、その背景となる東アジア地域での恒久的な安全保障の枠組みを創出する努力を惜しんではならない。

 アジア共通通貨の実現には今後10年以上の歳月を要するだろう。それが政治的統合をもたらすまでには、さらなる歳月が必要であろう。

 いまやASEAN、日本、中国(含む香港)、韓国、台湾のGDP合計額は世界の4分の1となり、東アジアの経済的力量と相互依存関係の拡大と深化は、かつてない段階に達しており、この地域には経済圏として必要にして十分な下部構造が形成されている。

 一方で、 歴史的文化的な対立と安全保障上の対抗関係が相俟って、政治的には多くの困難を抱えていることもまた事実だ。軍事力増強問題、領土問題など地域的統合を阻害している諸問題は、それ自体を日中、日韓などの二国間で交渉しても解決不能なものなのであり、二国間で話し合おうとすればするほど双方の国民感情を刺激し、ナショナリズムの激化を招きかねないものなのである。

 したがって、いくぶん 逆説 的ではあるが、 地域的統合を阻害している問題は、じつは地域的統合の度合いを進めるなかでしか解決しないといえる。 たとえば地域的統合が領土問題を風化させるのはEUの経験で明らかなところだ。

 私は、 地域的統合と集団安全保障が日本国憲法の理想とした平和主義、国際協調主義を実践していく道であるとともに、米中両大国のあいだで、わが国の政治的経済的自立を守り、国益に資する道でもある、と信じる。

 今日においては「EUの父」と讃えられるクーデンホフ・カレルギーが、85年前に『汎ヨーロッパ』 (祖父鳩山一郎は、彼の著作『全体主義国家対人間』を日本語に翻訳した)を刊行したときの言葉を引用して締め括りとしたい

 「すべての偉大な歴史的出来事は、ユートピアとして始まり、現実として終わった」、そして「一つの考えがユートピアにとどまるか、現実となるかは、それを信じる人間の数と実行力にかかっている」。